Almost
every day we hear the question asked: why are people turning to ‘Islamic
extremism’? But in mainstream discussion, no-one mentions the elephant in the
room - or rather no longer in the room. The rise of Islamist politics, both
reformist and revolutionary, is a relatively new phenomenon; so what has
changed that has allowed this to happen?
My historical and sociological research into immigrant politics, and
especially the politics of the Bengalis in London’s East End, leads to an
answer that few politicians want to hear. Islamism has been able to attract
people looking for an escape from the brutality and banality of capitalism
because the socialist alternative that would once have claimed them has been
systematically traduced and undermined. The rise of Islamism has been made
possible by the decline of socialism – which has been under constant attack
from the same powers who publicly bemoan Islamist dominance. (And this is still
going on, as the deliberate marginalisation of the secular and leftist Kurdish
movement in northern Syria so poignantly demonstrates.) The 2002 article in
which I first made these arguments has been
widely quoted, including in a paper
commissioned by the UK Government; but my
inconvenient argument is never taken
up or even discussed.
These
first London Bengali activists had built up a strong practice of grass-roots
political organisation, but it was focused on the practical issues that beset a
poor immigrant community facing increasingly racist immigration restrictions.
It failed to aspire to make more ideological change.
Meanwhile,
wider progressive politics was undergoing a cultural turn that downplayed the
role of economic forces and class conflict and prioritised the politics of
identity. In the East End, Black Radical activists from Race Today were
instrumental in establishing the Bengali Housing Action Group that helped
solidify campaigning along ethnic lines; and growing racism was countered by
Bengali youth groups. These mobilisations achieved real improvements to
people’s lives and to Bengali self-confidence, but they could not build bridges
between different ethnicities as had been so deliberately achieved by the
class-based politics of the 1930s. Nor could they address the fundamental
economic inequalities that transcended different ethnic groups.
Black
Radicalism opened a Pandora’s Box of separatist organisation, and as this
approach became institutionalised into political multiculturalism, these
different organisations were encouraged to compete with each other for portions
of government funding. Lingering traces of radicalism were tamed and
incorporated into the system. Meanwhile, the East End, like other immigrant
areas, remained a significantly deprived area, and the Bengalis remained a
disproportionately deprived group.
While
the turn to religion can be understood as responding to the need for an
ideological counter to a system that produced such deprivation, religious
identity has also been encouraged by multicultural policies that have
increasingly regarded people as members of religious groups and awarded
prominent roles to religious organisations and leaders. Some left organisations
have also been complicit in this, blurring the line between campaigning against
religious discrimination and actively promoting religious groups. The Stop the
War Movement and George Galloway’s Respect that emerged out of it allowed the
popular front put together to oppose the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq not just
to eclipse much of their left ideology but also to strengthen political
involvement via Muslim (and Bengali) identity.
The impact of Western foreign policy on Islamist radicalisation has been widely acknowledged, but the growth of British Islamism preceded 9/11. Islamist movements were already well established even before the boosts given by the perceived neglect of the suffering of Bosnian Muslims and the publication of Rushdie’s Satanic Verses. For young Bengalis growing up with limited prospects, Islamist idealism and the international brotherhood of the ummah (or Muslim community) can be seen as an inspiring alternative to the pointless selfishness of capitalist materialism – and an escape from the temptations of drugs and gang wars. The mainstream reformist Islamist groups around the East London Mosque have strengthened their position in the wider Bengali community through a well-ordered structure and active participation in grassroots community-work – aping the tactics of communist organisations. More revolutionary groups have been active in colleges and universities.
The inverse relationship between strong left movements and strong political Islam has long been understood by Islamists, just as it has by Marxists. They recognise each other as incompatible ideological systems, and they know that both will compete for supporters from the same disgruntled victims of capitalism. Among immigrants of Muslim background, just as in the countries of the Middle East, the effective counter to Islamic radicalism has been historically demonstrated to be a strong secular socialist movement. Try telling that to David Cameron.
Special 20% discount
To order your copy of Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End with a special 20% discount, simply contact NBN International on +44 (0)1752 202301, or email orders@nbninternational.com, quoting the discount code OTH547. Offer expires 31/12/2015.
No comments:
Post a Comment